The unnecessary politicization of languages being imposed is being made today. When the Mughals ruled India, the official language was Persian because they governed multiple kingdoms. Under British rule, English was the primary administrative language, but Hindi gradually gained prominence in North India. In Puducherry, even today, French is learnt and spoken with great enthusiasm. All these languages were alien to India. Today, all Central governments—be it Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Congress, Janata Party, or BJP—have treated Hindi in the same way as the others. The logic remains the same. Even today, Hindi and English are the official languages of the Central Government, just as they were before.
In the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, all languages hold the same importance. The word "equal" is crucial—no language in the Eighth Schedule is superior to another. This ensures that all recognized languages enjoy equal constitutional status.
Central government institutions in Southern states have boards in three languages—English, Hindi, and the respective regional language—which is more than just two languages, more is good, ensuring inclusivity. 60 crore people in the country speak Hindi, and it acts as a natural link language across states due to its sheer size. Not speaking Hindi limits access to a vast market of opportunities, making it a FOMO (Fear of Missing Out) factor in professional and social mobility, given the global situations. On the other hand, the migrant population in the South learns the South Indian languages as well. I have seen Sikhs, Assamese, Gujaratis, and Rajasthanis speak fluent Tamil in Tamil Nadu. Subramanya Bharati's poem "Gangai Nadhiin Isai" beautifully captures this cross-pollination.
NEP 2020 and Language Policy
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 adopted a three-language formula, wherein at least two languages must be native to India. However, no priority has been given to Hindi or Sanskrit over other languages. The choice of languages is not compulsory—it is left to the student, ensuring linguistic freedom.
Kendriya Vidyalayas (KVs), which primarily cater to defense personnel and Central Government staff, have high academic standards and follow the three-language formula.
CBSE, being a central curriculum, is under the Centre’s control, but regional languages are also taught as per the three-language policy.
Education is a Concurrent List subject, meaning both the Centre and States have roles in policy implementation. State Matriculation Boards are not compelled to follow NEP 2020—it remains advisory in nature, meaning states can take it or leave it as per their educational needs.
In the Southern states, Hindi is often spoken in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, and Kerala, especially when dealing with people from other states. Even for parliamentarians from the South, all translations are provided in Parliament. It will always be beneficial to understand the official languages. It enhances conversations between parliamentarians, leading to better understanding and cross-pollination of ideas. It is encouraging to see many parliamentarians speaking conversational official languages due to their exposure in Delhi. The same benefit should be available to all people in the South. Likewise, people from other parts of India must also take an interest in learning languages other than their own—starting with the language of the next state.
Should English be the only connector between two regional languages?
Growth of Hindi Learning in Tamil Nadu
From 2014 to 2019, over 3 million students voluntarily took Hindi exams in Tamil Nadu, reflecting a tenfold growth since 1998. This demand is not due to imposition but rather because knowing Hindi offers practical advantages in employment, communication, and opportunities. The enrollment surge in CBSE schools in South India and institutions like Dakshina Bharat Hindi Prachar Sabha further confirm this trend.
Conclusion
Western nations no longer offer the same economic and social opportunities for Indians as India does today. In this context, knowing more Indian languages becomes a necessity rather than an imposition. The data on Hindi learning trends contradicts the claim of forced language promotion. Thus, the argument of Hindi imposition does not hold water and seems to lack strength—except for political purposes such as vote-bank rhetoric, which, while not desirable, is a political necessity until the voters deem otherwise.